Israeli Public Opposition to Palestinian Statehood Reaches All-Time High as US-led Vote at UN Opens Door

November 18, 2025

4 min read

A large billboard depicting US president Donald Trump and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as part of a campaign by the Yesha Council with the text "no to a Palestinian state" and "sovereignty, do it right" in Jerusalem on June 10, 2020. Photo by Yonatan Sindel/Flash90

The UN Security Council voted Monday to adopt a U.S.-drafted resolution endorsing President Trump’s plan for Gaza. This resolution explicitly charts what American ambassador Mike Waltz called “a possible pathway for Palestinian self-determination.” The timing could not be more disconnected from Israeli public sentiment. A new survey released by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs shows that 70% of Israelis now oppose the establishment of a Palestinian state, the highest level recorded since the October 7 massacre. Among Jewish Israelis, opposition has climbed to 79%.

The resolution authorizes an international stabilization force for Gaza and endorses Trump’s Board of Peace as a transitional authority to oversee reconstruction. But the controversial language lies in what comes next. The text states that “conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood” once the Palestinian Authority implements reforms and Gaza’s redevelopment advances. It commits the United States to “establish a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians to agree on a political horizon for peaceful and prosperous coexistence.”t

For decades, US foreign policy was based on the creation of a Palestinian state. The Two-State Solution would create an unprecedented militarized Arab state inside Israel’s borders, ethnically cleansed of Jews, with its capital in an exclusively Muslim Jerusalem. This would require a return to the ceasefire lines drawn up after the defensive 1967 Six-Day War that are considered to be indefensible against an Arab threat. The UN resolution violates the Oslo Accords, which require any resolution concerning Judea and Samaria to be the result of bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.

By rejecting the Two-State solution, President Trump negotiated the Abraham Accords in 2020, normalizing relations between Israel and several Arab nations, including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded sharply on Sunday, declaring that Israel remains opposed to a Palestinian state and vowed to demilitarize Gaza “the easy way or the hard way.” His position reflects not political calculation but the reality on the ground: the Israeli public has moved decisively to the right politically since October 7.

What explains the gap between international diplomacy and Israeli public opinion? The massacre that killed 1,200 Israelis and saw 251 dragged into captivity fundamentally altered how Israelis view territorial compromise. The JCFA survey reveals that only 8% of Israelis support a Palestinian state unconditionally. Another 13% would consider it only if the state fully recognizes Israel as the Jewish state and is completely demilitarized. Even when offered normalization with Saudi Arabia in exchange for statehood, 62% of Israelis reject the deal, with opposition among Jewish Israelis reaching 73%.

The UN resolution’s language about “self-determination” assumes that Palestinian statehood represents justice and that Israeli opposition stems from stubbornness or extremism. But the survey data tells a different story. When explicitly asked about the U.S. Security Council proposal, 57% of Jewish Israelis oppose any Israeli declaration of future support for a Palestinian state, even if Palestinians carry out reforms. The number who would consider it under conditions of full demilitarization and recognition of Israel as the Jewish state drops to just 20%.

Hamas rejected the resolution immediately, stating that “the resolution imposes an international guardianship mechanism on the Gaza Strip, which our people and their factions reject.” The terrorist organization made clear it will not disarm and considers its attacks on Israel “legitimate resistance.” This sets up a confrontation with the international stabilization force authorized by the resolution—a force that 62% of Israelis support, but with critical conditions. Among those backing an international force, 52% want it to be American-only or Western-only. Only 10% would accept the inclusion of Turkey and Qatar, countries that have provided financial and political support to Hamas.

Russia and China abstained from the UN vote but complained that the resolution gives Washington complete control over Gaza’s future through the Board of Peace. Russian ambassador Vasily Nebenzya told the council the resolution amounts to “giving its blessing to a U.S. initiative on the basis of Washington’s promises.” The Palestinian Authority welcomed the resolution and pledged to participate in implementation. Diplomats indicated that the PA’s endorsement prevented a Russian veto.

Trump celebrated the vote as “a moment of true Historic proportion” and promised that members of the Board of Peace would be announced in the coming weeks. But the president faces a dilemma. His plan envisions a pathway to Palestinian statehood at the precise moment when the Israeli public has rejected that outcome more decisively than ever before. The survey shows that even when offered Saudi normalization in exchange for Riyadh receiving F-35 jets—if Saudi Arabia drops its statehood demand—43% of Israelis oppose the deal outright. Another 34% support it only with an explicit U.S. guarantee to preserve Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge. Just 6% support it without conditions, and 22% of opponents cite lack of trust in Saudi Arabia’s ability to honor long-term commitments.

The disconnect between international diplomacy and regional reality extends beyond Israeli public opinion. Palestinians in Judea and Samaria and eastern Jerusalem show similar rejection of the two-state framework, with only 33% supporting it and 55% opposing it, according to Gallup polling conducted earlier this year. When asked about their top national priority for the coming five years, 66% of residents in Judea and Samaria chose “regaining all of historical Palestine for the Palestinians” rather than ending the occupation to achieve a two-state solution. Around 60% in both Judea and Samaria and Gaza say “the conflict should not end, and resistance should continue until all of historic Palestine is liberated”, even if Palestinian leadership negotiates a two-state agreement. The UN Security Council envisions a pathway to Palestinian statehood, but the supposed beneficiaries reject the destination as firmly as the Israelis reject the journey.

The resolution passed, but implementation requires Israeli cooperation. With 79% of Jewish Israelis opposed to a Palestinian state and Netanyahu pledging to demilitarize Gaza unilaterally if necessary, the Security Council vote may prove to be diplomatic theater rather than political reality. The international community can draft resolutions and authorize forces, but it cannot force a nation traumatized by massacre to embrace the very outcome that trauma has taught it to reject. King Solomon wrote, “There is a time for war and a time for peace” (Kohelet 3:8). The UN Security Council believes the time for a political horizon has arrived. The Israeli people, scarred by October 7 and facing an enemy that refuses to disarm, have reached a different conclusion.

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