On his recent podcast, The War Room, Steve Bannon called for the creation of a “Christian state of Jerusalem,” arguing that the conventional two-state formula does not suffice in the Levant. “If you’re going to have a two-state solution, you have to have a three-state solution … one of those states has to be the Christian state of Jerusalem,” he said.
Bannon framed his proposal as a safeguard for Christian holy sites and heritage: “Why did we not have a Christian state in the Levant that oversees and can protect the Christian sites?” he asked.
While he did not designate a specific seat for this state, the idea implicitly links to the city of Jerusalem and its environs.
Bannon’s advocacy for a Christian-state component emerges from his critique of what he calls the “Greater Israel project” and his belief that regional architecture must change. He stated: “This Greater Israel project … destroyed Israel. And this is why now you have to go to a three-state solution…”
In proposing a third state – beyond Israel and a Palestinian entity – he frames it as a protectorate for Christian heritage and as a geopolitical buffer. But the proposal faces immediate practical and ideological hurdles, not least the lack of a clear territorial basis and the challenges of sovereignty, demographics, and legitimacy. One could imagine the seat of such a state being in the Bethlehem – Beit Lechem – area, given its historical Christian significance, though Bannon himself did not specify that location.
The Bible instructs clearly that the land given to Israel has enduring significance. See, for example:
“Every place on which the sole of your foot treads shall be yours.” (Deuteronomy 11:24)
In the context of prophecy and national identity, the land the Sages refer to is not merely negotiable real estate but is tied to divine promise. The impulse behind Bannon’s idea, from a Christian-Zionist lens, resonates with this notion of Biblical inheritance and partnership.
At the same time, the Bible warns of divided alliances and competing sovereignties that can lead to fragmentation. The Sages emphasize that unity under rightful jurisdiction matters for the stability of the land.
Bannon has been widely accused of promoting a form of Christian nationalism. For example, Bannon told journalist David Brooks of The New York Times: “What I say is … that’s a hard-weld with Christian nationalism.”
Critics argue that his rhetoric — calling the Christian movement in the Judeo-Christian West “an unstoppable force” — aligns with the Christian-nationalist idea that state and church should merge. These accusations complicate how his “Christian state” idea is perceived, especially by Christians and Jews concerned about mixing national sovereignty and religious identity.
Understanding this proposal requires some grounding in the numbers. Within Israel proper, Christians number approximately 185,000, representing about 1.9% of the total population as of 2022. Of that figure, roughly three-quarters are Arab Christians.
Data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (Israel) show that the Christian population in Israel — Arabs and non-Arabs combined — has been growing. For instance, the number of Christians in Israel rose by roughly 1.3 % in 2022. A report for Christmas 2024 placed the figure at about 180,300, up from previous years. The same sources note that in many neighbouring territories, Christians are declining, making Israel unique in the region in this respect.
By contrast, in the areas administered by the Palestinian Authority (and formerly by Hamas in Gaza) the Christian presence is far smaller and shrinking. According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, about 46,850 Christians lived under PA jurisdiction in 2017, representing roughly 1% of the population. In Gaza, the decline has been dramatic: from several thousand to around 1,000 or fewer today.
This contrast reinforces the point that Israel is the only Middle Eastern country where Christian numbers are noticeably increasing rather than decreasing.
His vision closely resembles the Lebanese system, which is explicitly based on religious identity. The parliament of Lebanon has 128 seats, with exactly half (64) reserved for Christians and half (64) for Muslims. The Constitution and electoral law also require that the highest offices be allocated on a sectarian basis: the President must be a Maronite Christian, the Speaker of Parliament a Shi’a Muslim, and the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim.
Within the Christian seats in parliament, the breakdown is as follows: Maronites hold 34 of those 64 Christian seats, Greek Orthodox 14, Melkite Catholics 8, Armenian Apostolics 5, Catholics of the Armenian rite 1, Protestants 1, and other Christian minorities 1.
The Lebanese system legally entrenches Christian political representation alongside Muslim representation — a key feature of its power-sharing structure.
